Feminism is a complex and dynamic term that encompasses
many different interpretations, and evolves with time. Therefore, it is loosely defined around the
characteristics of feminist thought, including: analyzing women--the
differences within/between women, whether feminism is inclusive, the
intersections between gender and other categorical identifiers, whether feminism
should have an abiding core or be individualistic in its interpretations, the systemic and personal empowerment of
women, “the degree of social change envisaged, and the extent to which feminism
‘belongs’ to women to the exclusion of men; an inclination to propose how
things ought or ought not be, revolving around resistance to power and the
privileging of men; and an at least minimal group rather than individual
orientation” (Beasley, 1999, p 117). Feminism is a living movement that changes and
adapts to our society. Martha Lear, an author for the New York Times was the
first to describe the fluidity of the woman’s movement with the term “waves” in
1968. Its historical progression is now categorized by three “waves of change” Embodiedby grouping feminist behavior, ideologies, representation,
and messaging (Collins, 2009).[1] Although understanding
feminism in terms of the three distinct waves can help identify the core issues
that the movement focused upon, this metric contributes to a narrow view of the
diverse range of contributions and concerns reflected in the reality of each
period. A
major criticism of the feminist movement stems from its lack of
intersectionality and acknowledgment of how race, sexual orientation, and class
contributed to the oppression of women. This paper will examine the feminist
movement, and how, I argue, the current feminist efforts could be
mobilized using the embodiment construct.
Historical Overview
There is a common misconception that a review of first wave
feminism will comprehensively encapsulate the beginnings of the American
women’s movement. However, academic literature germane to the first wave
movement has a tendency to offer a limited scope of coverage (concentrating on
the efforts of white, middle class, heterosexual women) due to the American
propensity to whitewash history, excluding efforts that began prior to and
during the first wave movement by women of color, minority sexual orientation,
and lower socioeconomic classes.
First-wave feminism primarily focused on legalities and
women’s suffrage in the 19th and early 20th century (Piran, 2015). In truth, the power struggle
between women and men has an ancient history that extends cross-culturally, and
certainly beyond the scope of the white middle class. Egyptian and biblical
accounts of oppressive practices being railed against women, and women
overcoming those practices are persistently present in historic literature and
archives. From female pharaohs, Chinese Empresses, English Queens, and so forth,
women have historically battled against the oppression of their sex. Many
examples expand over a vast timeline and across the world, and, although their
details are beyond the scope of this review which will narrow its focus to more
recent American sexism, it is important to note that it is the global
culmination of many stories and events that have contributed to feminist
thought, ideology, and social resistance making feminist thought relevant to
all women.
When discussing first
wave feminism, typically the review on American feminist thought revolves
around the 19th and early 20th century reaction to legal restraints and the vote.
However, feminist thought has a diverse variety of contributors. For example,
in the Regency era, although most women were still not afforded an
education, female authors persevered prophetically, producing works that would
undoubtedly influence American feminist thought. Jane Austen (1775-1817), Ann Radcliffe
(1764-1823), Fanny Burney (1752-1840), Elizabeth Inchbald (1753-1821), Mary
Wollstonecraft (1759-1797) , Mary Shelley (1797-1851) and Harriet Martineau (1802- 1876) are just a few examples
of female authors who contributed works that would challenge gender norms. When
considering the breadth of female authors that have contributed to shaping the
minds, dreams, and ambitions of subsequent women, it is easier to understand
the tapestry of influence when attempting to define feminist thought.
In regards to the American women’s movement, scholars often
describe the power dynamics of men and women within the narrow scope of white
relationships, excluding the larger narrative of American cultures. Prior to the
colonization of America (1400s), Native American tribes held a much more
equalitarian system between the sexes (Klein & Ackerman, 1995). Native
American women were critical to the survival of the tribes. They were mothers,
healers, builders, farmers, crafts women, and even warriors. Many of these
tribal practices, although dismissed by colonists as uncivilized, deserve to be
acknowledged as much as the European settlers, unfortunately when reviewing
American social dynamics the literature often begins the review
post-colonization.
For colonists, the gender power dynamic entailed a more
equalitarian lifestyle for women in the colonial era. In order to survive, the
colonial farmer had to depend greatly on his wife contributing hard labor and
manufacturing essential goods that could contribute to the wealth of the family
(such as candle, soap, and clothing-making) (Collins, 2010). There was a
relatively equal division of responsibility for men and women and the
dependence on one another elevated the farm wives’ status.
However, in the Victorian Era (1837-1901), women’s roles changed dramatically
as America became more industrialized and cities began to mature. A shift from
living off the land to business in the marketplace cultivated a brutal,
cutthroat, and often physically violent trade environment. Masculine
physicality became the rationale for isolating women from the world of business
(Collins, 2010). Women became less able to contribute to the economic
power of the household. To maintain social position, Victorian women readily
took on the role of nurturer, educator, and “moral guardian” for their
families. Women were suddenly put on a purity pedestal, expected to stay in the
home, away from the sinful world, maintaining the virtue of the household. “The
central point in Western vision of sexual difference was that a woman’s place
was in the home, leaving men to run everything that went on outside the front
door” (Collins, 2010, p. 5). Women had to grapple with the flattering
idealism that women are instinctively morally superior, but lacked the strength
and intelligence to contend with men in the marketplace (Collins, 2010). This position within the household created a dangerous
dependency on men. Women carried the burden of carrying out a subservient
domestic role regardless of the treatment received from their male
counterparts. The inevitable abuse of many women and various economic
instabilities stemming from this patriarchal system would contribute to the
creation of the women’s liberation movement.
Marxist feminism believes that in order to achieve women’s
liberation, women must be compensated equally for their productive labor and
reproductive labor (such as childcare, housekeeping, caregiving), which, they
argue would require a radical restructuring of American capitalism (Gottfried,
2013). Engles and Marx argued that capitalism dictates oppression (Marx as
translated by Smelser, 1973). For
example, when women could not own land they were vulnerable to poverty and
exploitation due to their dependency on alliances with men to gain
property/security. Marx and Engle agreed
that women were commodified, exploited for their unpaid reproductive labor, and
therefore, an oppressed population as discussed in “The origin of the family,
private property, and the state” (Engles, 1971). However, not all women
experienced equal degrees of oppression due to the complexities of
socioeconomic status, race, sexual orientation, and other factors. It was the
white women, wives and daughters of middle and upper class families, women who
could read and write (among other forms of privilege) like Susan B. Anthony
and Elizabeth Cady Stanton that were able to organize effective resistance
efforts in regards to women’s suffrage and the eventual passing of the 19th
amendment.
As relative deprivation theory predicts, it would be precisely individuals in
this position, oppressed but with palpable opportunity for upward mobility,
that are ripe for rebellion (Runciman, 1966). Due to their highly publicized
achievements, the female archetype of virtuous, subservient, middle
class, white, mother/wife characterized the women that made up the recognized
body of first wave feminism. But, this demographic was only a small percentage
of the women who truly contributed to the feminist movement.
First wave feminism began hand in hand with the
abolitionist movement (Epstein, 2001 as cited by Goodwin & Jasper, 2015).
In some ways the role of the suffragette was a middle class
suburban/urban luxury, as poorer and rural wives still had to earn a wage for
the family and were at a heightened risk for bodily harm due to intersecting points
of oppression. After the Civil War ended, and the right to vote shifted towards
black men, the women’s movement divided (Painter, 1996). Women of color,
many of which agreed with Fredrick Douglas’ sentiments that racial concerns had
to be the focus of social action, were pressured to choose between movements. As the 19th
century closed, they were left without true choice as feminist leaders turned
to racist arguments to further the agenda of the suffragette movement (Epstein,
2001 as cited by Goodwin & Jasper, 2015).[AU9] The mainstream first wave feminist movement had burned its
bridges with its original allies in the antislavery movement and was pushed
aside by conservative forces for several decades (Epstein, 2001 as cited by
Goodwin & Jasper, 2015). America faced economic hardship in the initial decades of the
20th century, as the Great Depression ripped through the country, and as the
economy was destabilized and workers were left insecure about their ability to
provide, in addition to a myriad of other contributing factors, conservative
forces were able to easily squash the voices of the women’s movement and
concentrate power back into patriarchal institutions (Chomsky, 2016).
Black feminism
Black
women were underappreciated and excluded during the first wave of the feminist
movement, yet women of color have been persistently fighting against the
intersecting points of discrimination to acquire equality and upward mobility
for far longer than (even many recently published) texts reviewing feminism
acknowledge.
In the early 1800s, free woman (as compared to the many
still enslaved) like Maria Stewart and Frances E. W. Harper pointed out the
unique struggles faced by women in the abolitionist cause. Sojourner
Truth who was enslaved until 1827, was directly involved in the women's
movement (Painter, 1996). In 1851, she famously highlighted the unfair
dismissal of African American women from the women’s rights narrative in her
speech, “Ain’t I a woman”. In 1893, Anna Julia Cooper appeared before the
World’s Congress of Representative Women in Chicago. She demanded that the
predominately white committee recognize that women of color face compounding
oppression due to enslavement, sexism, and racism. In 1951, Sojourner Truth
held a rally in Washington D.C., calling all women of color to come together at
an event she named the Sojourner for Truth and Justice and resulting in 132
attendees (Painter, 1996). Again, these are
but a few examples of the contributions women of color made to the advancement
of women— and I’d venture that countless names of other contributors are lost
to unrecorded history.
The second wave of feminism was far broader and more
inclusive than its predecessor (Evans, 1979). This was made
possible because of the persistence and courage of women of color who continued
to create vocal organizations despite the continued coterie mindset of the
mainstream staffed organizations (like NOW). In the 1970s, the
black power movement of the civil rights was complimented by feminist
organizations like the National Black Feminist Organization (NBFO) and The
Combahee River Collective, named in honor of the Harriet Tubman rescues, which was
founded by Barbara Smith, Beverly Smith, and Demita Frazier (Hill Collins,
1990). The Combahee Collective not only acknowledged the triple oppression of
race, gender, and class, but also included specific declarations of support for
lesbian women and is noted as one of the first organizations to acknowledge
sexual orientation. In 1977 the Collective released a groundbreaking
publication that addressed homophobia and was unabashedly socialist. Lesbian
black feminists like Audre Lorde and Pat Parker were significant
representatives for the entire black community, as many black heterosexual
women were afraid to identify as feminist during this period (Hill Collins,
1990).
Second wave
In the 1960s, second-wave feminism focused on
“de facto” inequalities, which, in contrast to the first wave’s focus on women’s
suffrage and law, demanded the examination of less formal social institutions
such as family, marriage, equality in the workforce, and sexuality (Jaggar,
1983). [AU13] Domestic violence
became a central issue as well as sexual freedom. Betty Friedan, infamously,
gained momentum of within her following (primarily white middle class wives)
with the publication of the “Feminine Mystique” (Hennessee, 1999). Her
followers were primarily gained from university and professional backgrounds
that limited the scope of participants. Friedan, with the support of a small
group of feminists founded the National Organization of Women (NOW) which
primarily focused on equality in the workplace and still is active. However,
this following presumed that it represented the thoughts and agenda of all
women without recognizing that it was excluding important narratives of the
women not directly involved in the organization (Hill Collins, 1990).
Feminism, the social movement, Declines
The second wave of feminism truly became the height of the
women’s movement. Betty Friedan, notoriously alienated lesbians from the
women’s movement referring to them as the “Lavender Menace” (Hennessee, 1999).
She also failed to adequately acknowledge the contributions of women of color
in an attempt to separate the women’s movement from the civil rights movement
that was, in her view, competing for national attention. But, by the late
1970s and 1980s, lesbian feminism became a strong influence in the movement.
Organizations composed of women of color and lower classes allied with the
mainstream movement over shared issues of inequality in the workplace, creation
of unions, childcare, and domestic violence (Epstein, 2001 as cited by Goodwin
& Jasper, 2015). The second wave shaped how women viewed themselves--changing
the media’s portrayal of women and having a profound impact on American women’s
perception of ambition and role within society that persists to this day.
However, as feminism became dispersed through all walks of
society, the feminist message became harder to define as conflicts arose within
the ideology. For example, the sexual oppression of women generated great
debates within the feminist dialogue. In the late 1970s, contrasting positions
on issues surrounding women’s sexuality had emerged within the feminist
community (Bronstein, 2011). Pornography and the sex industry created tense
controversy within the movement. Catherine Alice MacKinnon, a professor of law,
and Andrea Dworkin, feminist activist, propelled a movement against the pornography
industry (Peluso, 2016) MacKinnon had focused much of her career on defining
sexual harassment in the workplace. She concentrated her attention to issues of
power and exploitation and felt that this toxic power dynamic reached its peak
in the sex industry. "Pornography, in the feminist view, is a form
of forced sex, a practice of sexual politics, and institution of gender
inequality” (MacKinnon,
1989, p 131).[AU14] She worked to
criminalize the pornography industry. Her viewpoint was referred to as radical-feminist.
Radical-feminists lobbied for heightened governmental control, rigid laws and
penalties to be aimed against the porn industry (Peluso, 2016). Organizations
such as Women Against Violence Against Women (founded 1976), and Women Against
Violence in Pornography and Media (founded 1977) organized events such as the
first Take Back the Night march in 1978. By the 1980s, Women against
Pornography and Feminist Fighting Pornography’s political activism called for
legal change (Hanna, 2010). MacKinnon and Dworkin drafted the Anti-pornography
Civil Rights Ordinance. The National Organization identified "pederasty,
pornography, sadomasochism and public sex" as the “Big Four” claiming that
these four sexual expressions are based in "exploitation, violence or
invasion of privacy"(Bronstein, 2011).
The
extremist nature and rigid, uncompromising framework of the radical feminist
claims against heterosexual sex and the sex industry polarized the feminist
movement to some extent (Beasley, 1999). In direct opposition to radical
feminism, sex-radical (also known as sex-positive) feminists emerged. In the
1980s, “Feminist Sex Wars” positioned sex-positive feminists such as Carole
Vance and Ellen Willis against the anti-pornography movement (Peluso, 2016). Sex
positive feminists countered that all sexual expression is not exploitative or
violent, and power, itself, is more contextual. Pro-sex feminists believed that
the anti-pornography movement was a form of censorship that was linked to the
political right-wing’s movement against recreational sex. Sex-positive
feminists believed women could become empowered through the sex industry by
promoting sexual expression as liberating and pleasurable for women. Samois,
Feminist Against Censorship, and Feminist for Free Expression emerged as
organizations to counter the Radical feminist organizations. The conflict
between the parties was not subtle, the Feminist Anti-Censorship Taskforce
(FACT) was created by Willis as a direct response to the Dworkin-MacKinnon
Ordinance (Peluso, 2016). Feminism was divided and critiques of the movement
used these types of internal conflicts to create a disparaging narrative
regarding the cohesiveness and strength of the movement itself.
By the 1990s, feminism was widely recognized and diffused throughout American
culture (Epstein, 2001 as cited by Goodwin & Jasper, 2015). Unfortunately,
its visibility lead to the bureaucratization of the organizations and
institutionalized feminism through academic, legal, and businesses adaptations
of its concepts. As feminism became more formalized, its narrative, definition,
and power shifted from its grassroots beginnings to broader entities like
universities and government sectors. Simultaneously, a cultural shift towards
the Right caused the public to refocus on pro-capitalism, and conservative
values, from which the movement was not immune. This caused a decrease in momentum in its
accessibility and passion, which shifted feminism’s existence from social
movement to theoretical construct (Epstein, 2001 as cited by Goodwin &
Jasper, 2015).
Embodiment, a conceptual framework for third wave feminism
The
feminist
social movement diminshed into an idea
for about two decades , but it is currently attempting to re emerge as an active force of
resistance. This change occurred after the election of President Donald Trump,
and the defeat of the first female presidential nominee, Hillary Clinton. Trump
embodies sexism through his treatment of women, which resulted in accusations
of sexual harassment and assault; his demeaning and sexually objectifying
language towards women, and his reproductive health care policies. His campaign
fueled anger and division among the population, and feminists responded to his
victory by organizing the Women's March on January 21, 2017 in Washington, D.C. The current
feminist narrative is focused on reproductive rights, sexual violence,
empowerment, and inclusivity. There is a conscious recognition of the previous movement’s impediments,
and feminist leaders are trying to shed the negative associations from the
past; in regards to the pitfalls of classist and racist exclusions.
Intersectionality is a popular term circulating in feminist media.
Kimberle Crenshaw coined the term intersectionality, as a theoretical
tool that can address the complex dimensions of privilege and oppression—i.e.
the acknowledgement that individuals experience discrimination in response to
the totality of their identifiers including race, class, sexual orientation,
and gender, simultaneously. This concept, similar to Socialist Feminism/ Marxist Feminism of
the second-wave, is acknowledging how the socio-political climate interacts
with the physical individual, and it is complimented by the theory of
embodiment.[AU18]
Embodied Feminism is experiencing feminism as
informed through the physical body, remaining attuned to the physical
differences, needs, and strengths of each individual (Piran, 2016). Embodiment
is not a new construct, however its popularity among the general public is
unprecedented. This popularity is creating potential for it to become a
unifying perception of feminism. The current narrative surrounding
feminism unites around issues regarding sexual violence, date rape culture, and
sexual reproductive rights, as well as acknowledging that people’s race is a
critical component to their lived experiences. These platforms are carried over
from second wave feminism, but as stated earlier, the sexuality debates of
second wave feminism became divisive among feminist organizers. I suspect that
adopting an embodiment perspective could have unified organizations by shifting
the focus from external forces to the lived experiences of the individual
participants. Embodiment values each woman’s unique physical experience in the
world and acknowledges that our bodies- which include race, disability, and
sex- must remain individualized and recognized. In other words, the embodiment
perspective works against the institutionalization of feminism, by demanding
that the participants of the movement are recognized as individual, unique
contributors.
How
does this translate into social activism for today? Creating a social movement
in today’s society is different than previous generations due to the internet.
Feminist thought is able to be dispersed widely and instantly. As seen by
the turn out to the Women’s March of 2017, (identified by the Times as the
largest single day protest in U.S. history) the call to
action can be swift and powerful when women are unified through a common issue.
Embodiment allows women to examine the variety of
issues they experience such as workplace discrimination or sexual harassment
through validating their individualistic physical experience. In fulfillment of
my graduate program, I researched the influence of embodied movement (dance
practice) on womanhood and sexuality. I conducted a qualitative study that
included the analysis of ten prompt-response journals of female dancers between
the ages of 25-31. The results of the study indicated that embodied practices
helped reconnect these dancers’ sense of identity and self with their physical
bodies. Embodied practice does this by asking women to become informed by their
bodies, attuned to their physical needs and experiences, and accepting of their
natural selves without the dictates of externalized standards.
My findings were consistent with larger studies (Quiroga
Murcia, Kreutz, Clift, & Bongard, 2010). . Embodiment promotes overall well-being
for women. This is an important conclusion due to the effects of sexual
objectification that women experience through our cultural practices and media
portrayals. “Objectification theory postulates that many women are sexually
objectified and treated as an object to be valued for its use by others. Sexual
objectification (SO) occurs when a woman’s body or body parts are singled out
and separated from her as a person and she is viewed primarily as a physical
object of male sexual desire” (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997 as cited by
Bartky, 1990). Embodiment creates practices such as dance, yoga, and
intentional presence of mind that reconnects women to their whole selves and
can bolster resiliency against objectification. Women engage in their own internalized
objectification in self detrimental ways that are often isolating. For example,
disordered eating as a means to meet perceived beauty standards. Internalized
objectification is cited as a contributing factor to the increased prevalence
of disordered eating in women as compared to men and it is often a behavior
that involves secrecy and isolation (Tiggemann & Williams, 2011). [AU20]Studies suggest that women have
psychological changes due to prolonged exposure to an environment that is
perceived as hostile through sexual harassment and objectification (Downs,
James, & Cowan, 2006). Women are 70% more likely than men to experience
depression, twice as likely to suffer from an anxiety disorder, and 10 million
women (as compared to 1 million men) suffer from eating disorders (Downs,
James, & Cowan, 2006). These findings suggest that perception of womanhood
and the body are very important focus points for the women’s movement.
Sexual violence continues to be a core issue within the
feminist movement-- a unifying issue. Unfortunately, nearly 63% of all women
have experienced some form of sexual violence, and approximately 1 in 5 women
have been raped in her lifetime (CDC, 2010). These alarming statistics touch
all women. This issue is formidable, but the embodied perspective can help
address it because it allows women to examine their own unique experiences and
self-perceptions.
The theoretical embodiment construct is easily spread
through visual-media online, allowing women to explore this concept in a
private setting. For example, guided meditation videos that are free on
Youtube.com. Guided meditation is often used to reconnect women with their
body’s output (embodied practice), which has been used in therapeutic settings
to promote healing in survivors of sexual violence (Lykou, 2017). Innumerable videos
are available online allowing women to access a variety of resources from home.
Embodiment emphasizes that bodily experiences shape the
individual and their surrounding culture
(Chrisler and Johnston-Robledo, 2017). Educational material on
“rape culture” includes many components of embodiment, such as sexual autonomy,
body shaming, and consent. There are also many movements flowing freely through
the pages of social media that focus on heightening awareness of sexual
violence and rape culture. Movements like #MeToo, a recent Facebook phenomenon,
prompted users to post #MeToo as their status if they survived sexual assault
or harassment. The intention of the #MeToo movement was to spread awareness and
foster a sense of unity among women.
Today’s culture emphasizes technology, and as stated
before, this construct already has an online presence. But embodied practice
can foster more than an online resource. Embodied movement is conducive for promoting
physical group meet ups, such as dance groups or yoga, which can allow people
to reconnect with their physical selves in a community setting. This provides a
low pressure, social environment that is appealing to those that may not have
been ready to join a more traditional feminist meet-up. Meditating, yoga, and
dance continue to be very popular activities, especially to the millennial
generation. Pairing embodied practice (such as a meditation session) with
intentional feminist discussion could reach a wider audience then a feminist
discussion meet-up, alone (Chrisler and Johnston-Robledo, 2017). An example of
this idea finding great success, can be seen in Millennium Dance Complex. These
studios, which are located in various cities across the country, hold open Hip
Hop, Jazz, and Modern dance classes that are recorded and released on Youtube.com.
They promote that people of all ages, genders, ability, sexual orientation and
race are included and celebrated. They discuss diversity, unity, and community
before and after every dance session. They have created a remarkably
well-received, popular, and supportive community that often creates choreography
specifically to acknowledge different social issues. This is an example of the embodiment
construct applied to community and it is an inspiring success.
The crux to why embodiment is an important lens to use
within the current social movement is its benefits on stress reduction and
well-being. Embodied movement has a unique benefit that is unprecedented in
traditional social movement organizing. It naturally counters the burnout
that many social activists experience over the course of committing to social
change movements. As feminism tries to reconnect with women in the community as
a social movement, it often lingers in cyberspace where it is bombarded with
the pessimistic weight of all the other competing social problems. Bornstein
and Davis (2010), authors of Social Entrepreneurship, acknowledge that the
difficulty of ongoing activism is not at the startup, but rather at achieving
growth capital and longevity. Social activism is an ongoing endeavor, often
expensive both financially and emotionally, that places high demand on the
participants. The embodiment perspective honors the needs of the activist to
help extend participation. Embodied movement relieves stress and
promotes well-being (Cardas, 2015), it creates a community space where
feminists can physically meet to gain social support and increase
communication, it acknowledges and celebrates the physical differences between
women, and it is accessible.
In conclusion, embodied feminism is a perspective that
relates to a diverse base, it supports the health of the activists which
should, in turn, promote longevity within social movement organizations. It
complements the intersectionality construct, and it provides opportunities for
physical meet ups that could rejuvenate community-level activism. Of course, as
seen in the previous waves hang ups, the movement will need to work vigilantly
to avoid exclusionary practices and one-size-fits-all messaging to be
successful. I think the current feminist movement should lean into the
advantages allotted to this generation through technology. There is an
overwhelming amount of information that pertains to feminism circulating online.
It is my hope, that in the coming months, media outlets and feminist online
moguls will communicate and join forces to offer the needed structure to
rebuild the feminist movement. Today’s population wants to be engaged, we are
plugged in, and using our voices. We just need leaders (ideally with large
followings on media outlets) to provide platforms and direction for all of the
passion. My vision is that there will be community-level, call-to-action, volunteer
activities that are easy to access and continuous. For example, the creation of
one website or app that would collect information on local rallies, the needs
of existing resource centers (such as donations or volunteers), policy
watchdogs, and fun activities that promote sisterhood and community health--with
the embodiment construct at the heart of the conversation.
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[1] For the purposes of this paper, we
will follow the “3 waves” schema; however, the resurgence of interest in
feminism from 2011 to present is sometimes referred to as a fourth wave that is
associated with, and defined by, technology and social media (Cochrane, 2013).
